@tanmayadas7133
By: Tanmaya Das
Kolkata: As all attention is focused on West Bengal assembly elections this time around, what is pertinent to note here is that the future of electoral politics of West Bengal will be decided by Nandigram and Purba Medinipur districts. The two districts have the power to transform the vote bank politics in West Bengal. The 2021 West Bengal election is based on communal polarization.
Now that the first phase of the West Bengal polls is over which has already made new records. The focus is now on the second phase of the West Bengal polls in South 24 Parganas (Part 1), Bankura Part 2, Paschim Medinipur (Part 2) and East Medinipur.
The Nandigram and Purba Medinipur districts are the battleground for Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and All India Trinamool Congress (TMC). Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee competing with her bête noire Suvendu Adhikari has drawn much attention on the political ground.
South Bengal consists of 167 assembly constituencies comprising several districts, Nadia, Purba and Paschim Burdwan, Hoogly, North and South 24 Parganas, Purba Medinipur, Howrah and Kolkata. It accounts for more than 55 percent of all seats in the 294 member West Bengal assembly. The TMC intends to accomplish 70 per cent of the assembly constituencies at Nandigram.
In 2007, the Communist government of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) tried to establish a chemical hub in the Nandigram Special Economic Zone that required a large acre of land owned by the farmers. The new policy led to an emergency like situation that led to the death of 14 people in the shooting. This movement gave rise to the new slogan of ‘Ma Mati Manush’ used by TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee in the election campaign later.
As per the 2011 census, the Muslim population in Nandigram accounts for 40 per cent. The data represents 34 per cent of the Muslim majority at Nandigram Block 1 and 12 per cent at Nandigram Block 2. In 2019, TMC intercepted the chances of BJP’s victory, but the defection of Suvendu Adhikari to BJP has been a significant move in this election.
The AITC is focusing all its efforts on unifying the Muslim majority whereas, BJP’s attempt is to counter-polarise, playing Hindutva trump card, sounds noteworthy. In 2016 assembly elections, the vote share of Suvendu Adhikari was more than AITC’s vote share in 2011. Which in a way tells the significant value and command that Suvendu Adhikari holds in Nandigram.
In the 2019 LS polls, BJP was able to get significant majority of votes strengthening its base in North Bengal. However, Central Bengal, having a Muslim majority, retained its trust with TMC. Muslim population in South Bengal accounts for 24 per cent. The defection of Suvendu Adhikari to BJP with communal polarisation as a trump card will further the victory chances of the BJP in Nandigram.
The Tata Motors Automobile factory at Singur in Hoogly district in 2006 had created controversy when local people were forcibly evacuated provided with inadequate compensation for their lands.
Subsequently, the displaced farmers showed confidence in the then opposition party led by Mamata Banerjee, who took the matter into her hand supported by various political parties and activists. After becoming Chief Minister, the land Rehabilitation and Development Bill was passed in the Assembly that returned the 400 acres of lands to their owners.
The blockade over the development of the plant in West Bengal increased the production cost of Tata Nano, delaying its entry into the domestic market. Also, such violence affected the other companies and deferred their plans of investment in West Bengal, but all that ultimately aced up Mamata Banerjee’s sleeves for the elections that followed.
In the 2019 Lok Sabha election, BJP won 18 out of 42 Lok Sabha constituencies in West Bengal. It crossed 40 percent of the vote share mark recording a 23 percent jump from the 2014 performance. If BJP succeeds in South Bengal with Hindutva ideology the TMC may face a major defeat losing power in West Bengal.
