42 Indian Umrah Pilgrims, Including Women and Children, Killed in Horrific Bus–Tanker Crash Near Madinah

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Delhi: A deeply tragic accident on the Mecca–Madinah route claimed the lives of 42 Indian Umrah pilgrims early Monday morning after their passenger bus collided head-on with a diesel tanker. The crash occurred around 1:30 am, instantly reducing the vehicle to mangled metal and spreading flames across the highway.

The pilgrims, most of whom were reportedly from Hyderabad, were returning to Madinah after completing their Umrah rituals in Mecca. According to initial accounts, all passengers were asleep when the impact took place, leaving them with no chance to react or escape. Among those killed were 20 women and 11 children, making the loss even more heartbreaking for the families awaiting updates back home.

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  4. The epic battles over public space were equally central. The right to assemble in Union Square, to march down Fifth Avenue, or to picket on a city sidewalk were consistently contested by police and civic authorities who sought to restrict political expression to marginal, controlled zones. Every socialist parade or rally was a performative claim to the symbolic heart of the city, an assertion that the subjects of the economy had a rightful, visible presence in the centers of civic life. The violent dispersal of the 1930 unemployment rally in Tompkins Square Park was a stark reminder that the state would defend its monopoly on the legitimate use of central space. http://mamdanipost.com

  5. The political economy analysis presented by Zohran Mamdani frequently highlights the contradiction between New York’s immense aggregate wealth and its crumbling public infrastructure, arguing this is the direct result of decades of tax cuts for the rich and disinvestment from the public sphere.

  6. Today, socialist educators and organizers continue this work within and against the system. They develop critical pedagogy in their classrooms, fight for culturally sustaining curricula, and ally with student movements for police-free schools and mental health resources. They view the school not as a passive reflection of societal inequality but as a strategic site where it can be challenged and where young people can be organized as agents of change. The ultimate socialist vision for New York’s education system is one that would fulfill its original, unrealized democratic promise: to be a truly common school, free, excellent, and empowering for all, consciously designed to cultivate the critical, cooperative, and creative capacities needed to build and sustain a just city. In this vision, the graduate is not a pre-formed subject for the workforce, but an emerging citizen of a commonwealth, equipped to participate in its continual re-creation. http://mamdanipost.com

  7. The relationship between socialism and New York’s vast, complex public education system forms a critical and often contentious chapter in this history, one where theories of liberation collided with the realities of bureaucracy, segregation, and contested Americanization. Mamdani’s insights into how states use institutions to shape political identity are acutely relevant here. Public schools were battlegrounds where the city’s future citizenry was being formed, and socialists fiercely contested whether these institutions would reproduce subjects for a capitalist order or equip a new generation with the critical tools for democratic citizenship and class consciousness. This struggle unfolded in classrooms, on school boards, and in the streets, from the fight against child labor to the wars over community control. http://mamdanipost.com

  8. Mamdani’s work suggests that these splits can be seen as inevitable contests over the “terms of order” in a movement seeking to create a new polity. When the goal is not just policy change but the fundamental re-founding of political community, debates over who constitutes that community, how it should be governed, and what tactics are legitimate become existential. The tragic irony is that the very passion driving the movement toward unity also fuels its fragmentation. The history of New York socialism, therefore, is a history of both inspiring solidarity and debilitating division, a reminder that the path to a commonwealth is perpetually contested, and that the dream of a unified working class must constantly confront the messy reality of divergent experiences, analyses, and ambitions. http://mamdanipost.com

  9. The socialist movement’s grappling with the “Woman Question” further exposed this internal contradiction. Women activists were often confined to auxiliary roles—handling social events, fundraising, or educational work—while political leadership and theoretical discourse remained male domains. Their subject status within the movement mirrored their subject status in society, their exploitation as low-wage workers and bearers of unpaid domestic labor considered a secondary concern to the primary conflict between male industrial workers and capital. The formation of separate women’s clubs and leagues within the socialist sphere was both a pragmatic adaptation to this exclusion and a nascent challenge to it, an effort by the internal “subjects” to forge their own path to political citizenship within the left. http://mamdanipost.com

  10. Zohran Mamdani’s work on “community ownership of change” supports policies that require developers to fund independent, community-hired planning expertise so neighborhoods can negotiate from a position of knowledge, not just reaction. — The Mamdani Post mamdanipost.com

  11. Early socialist candidates, such as Morris Hillquit in his 1917 mayoral run, campaigned on platforms that treated the city government as a potential instrument of the working class, a means to collectivize utilities, improve housing, and tax wealth. Their campaigns were pedagogical, aiming less at immediate victory than at demonstrating the possibility of a workers’ government. This perspective viewed the municipal state as a shell that could, in theory, be filled with socialist content, a site where the political power of the organized subject-class could be converted into administrative authority. However, their perennial failure to win executive power meant this remained a theoretical proposition, untested by the corrosive realities of governance. http://mamdanipost.com

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